Assessment of Students’ Satisfaction on the Restructured Essay Example for Free

Assessment of Students’ Satisfaction on the Restructured Essay 1.0 Introduction At the University of Ghana there are reports that rooms originally built to take two students, are now officially allocated to five students (after minor modifications), but unofficially occupied by as many as eight or nine – to the knowledge of the university authorities! Apart from the obvious hygiene and health hazards posed, what kind of ambience does this provide for study after classes? All of which have brought most African universities to a state of serious deterioration. This is evident not only to those who work or study in those universities but to even the most casual visitor. – (Association of African Universities, 2004) Housing is a basic human need in all societies and fundamental right of every individual. In advanced countries, housing is more accessible to all categories of people including the poor and the needy as a result of subsidies from the government. The situation is not the same in developing countries of the world. In Ghana, for example, accessibility to housing by the poor is quite a difficult situation which is worsened by the harsh economic conditions and poor enabling environment. Likewise, accessing housing facilities by Ghanaian students at the university is no exception, especially where such university happens to be the dream destination of most Ghanaians entering into tertiary institution. In tertiary institutions worldwide, the provision of accommodation to the students’ population takes different models. This includes; non-residential, where students source for their own accommodation. Residential, where the university houses all its students and dual-residential, where the university houses its student population for a period of time only, probably the first and final year, while the students during the remaining period source for their own accommodations. The experiences of students in tertiary institutions in sourcing and securing for their own accommodation around university communities are likely to be interesting and significant. However, it is worth noting that, University of Ghana, the nation’s premier university has gone through a series of development when it comes to how to accommodate its students, both undergraduates and postgraduates. 1.1 Research problem University of Ghana has undergone a series of reforms when it comes to the residential policy for its students. The ever increasing number of enrollees in the institution is what defines this restructuring of the policy governing students’ accommodation over time. In the past two years what the incumbent vice chancellor of the university term as â€Å"Decongestion† has taken place in anticipation to the fulfillment of the university achieving efficiency in its field of operation. The drive has also been fast tracked by his informal goal that the university should achieve a world-class status. Effective August, 2011, the university effectively implemented its decongestion policy allocating rooms to a maximum of three (3) students and four (4) students in the main halls and annexes respectively. This was done to address the problems of overcrowding that resulted in adverse effects of poor sanitation, pressure on residential utilities such as reading rooms and libraries, kitchen and washrooms, among other poor conditions for effective personal studies by students. Residential facilities have been increased to make the policy successful. Even though, the problem of inadequate accommodation for students is not entirely solved, the restructuring have been effective since its implementation, and it is worth investigating the effects of the new policy, whether it has achieved its goal or it is towards achieving its intended goal or otherwise. 1.2 Purpose of the study The main reason why this research is being conducted is to evaluate the satisfaction of students with the current students’ residential policy and its effects on their studies. 1.3 Objectives of the study Specific objectives of the study are as follows: 1. To assess students perception of sanitation in the halls/hostels now. 2. To assess students perception of security in the halls/hostels now. 3. To investigate students accessibility to some basic hall/hostel utilities. 1.4 Research Questions 1. What is students’ perception of sanitation in the halls/hostels now? 2. What is students’ perception of security and comfort in the halls/hostels now? 3. What is the accessibility status of students to basic halls/hostels utilities now? 1.5 Relevance of the study As a top university in Ghana and Africa and one which is striving to attain a world class status, adequate facilities should be provided and already existing ones improved, especially standards of services and facilities which include providing conducive on-campus student housing facility. The above research provides the grounding for this study and highlights the areas of new knowledge which are needed; to focus upon students’ satisfaction of residential facilities in University of Ghana. A key question is what is the level of students’ satisfaction with regards to the students housing facility (SHF) in the context of University of Ghana? The study contributes to a better understanding of SRS of UG. The results offer valuable feedback to the university authorities, facility managers and university hostel/hall administrators in terms of the present standards or the need for further improvement of the SHF through effective designs and management. The results will help to formulate guidelines in terms of allocation of rooms to students, maintenance and for future developments of student housing ensuring that the university is able to provide adequate and contemporary on-campus SHF. 2.0 Literature Review 2.1 Introduction This section reviews existing literature on the student residential facilities. It is mainly made up of previous studies, journals, articles, periodicals amongst other sources. They form the secondary source of data to the study. 2.2 The Concept of Student Residential Facility Student housing has long been regarded as an essential component of the facilities provided by the higher learning institutions in assisting students to expand their intellectual capabilities. According to Hassanain (2008), well planned student housing facilities (SHF) promote desirable educational outcomes and help to achieve the broader objectives such as social cohesion and responsible citizenship. An earlier study by Zahran (1972) reveals that a good student housing promotes interactions between roommates of different backgrounds and specializations; and thus broadens the students’ knowledge. Amole (2005) argues that facilities such as study areas or meeting places for academic discussions and social gatherings provided in the student housing will encourage informal intellectual activities outside the students’ own faculties. Price et al. (2003) related student interpersonal growth to adequate facilities and Fay (1981) highlighted the importance of students’ satisfaction in the SHF as a strategy to enhance student development. Despite the importance of SHF, little literature is available to evaluate student opinions of their housing facilities. Most studies on post-occupancy evaluation focus on family housing either public or private residences, investigating the interaction between owner-occupiers or tenants and their housing settings. Majority of these studies utilized the concept of housing satisfaction when evaluating the interactions between the residents and their physical environment (Amole, 2009b). Arguing that housing satisfaction can lead towards improving individual’s quality of life, Salleh (2008) investigates dwelling, housing services and neighbourhood factors that influence the residents of private low-cost housing in Malaysia. The study revealed that the residents are more satisfied with their dwelling units and housing services if compared to their neighbourhood facilities. Elsinga and Hoekstra (2005) study housing satisfaction among European communities and find out that except in Austria, homeowners are more satisfied than the tenants because homeownership provides security, freedom and financial benefits. In contrast, James (2008) analyses the influence of age and type of ownership on the level of satisfaction and establishes that tenant satisfaction increases with the age at a much faster rate than the type of homeownership. However, student housing and family housing are not the same. Student housing comprises of basic bedroom units with other shared facilities such as bathrooms, toilets, laundry, kitchens, common lounges and cafeterias located either per floor level, per block or for the whole student housing accommodation (Amole, 2009a). On the contrary, the basic unit for family housing is a house which includes bedrooms, bathrooms, toilets and a living area all as part of the unit with other housing facilities such as playground, shops and school at the neighbourhood (Parkes et al., 2002). In addition, student housing offers limited security of ownership and freedom if compared to family housing. Therefore, the above findings may not apply in the context of student housing. Studies on residential satisfaction (RS) from the student perspective are mostly focused on factors affecting RS; such as reasons for students to maintain their previous residence (Cleave, 1996) and predictors of student residential satisfaction (SRS) (Foubert et al., 1998; Khozaei et al., 2010b). There are also studies on student housing with narrower scopes such as the effects of floor height on over-crowding (Kaya and Erkip, 2001); students’ perceptions on indoor comfort (Dahlan et al., 2009); students’ sense of attachment with a particular student housing (Khozaei et al., 2010a); coping strategies for students staying in student housing (Amole, 2005) and the relationship between satisfaction and levels of environment (Amole, 2009b). These studies offer little guidance as to whether the students are satisfied with SHF provided. Among the limited studies on SRS are studies by Amole (2007, 2009a), Hassanain (2008) and Radder and Han (2009). Amole (2007, 2009a) investigates RS among students in Nigeria and the findings indicated a low satisfaction with the SHF provided. Radder and Han (2009) researched student satisfaction levels in South Africa and the findings indicated again a level of dissatisfaction with campus residences. Alternatively, Hassanain (2008) found that students in Saudi Arabia indicated a level of satisfaction with the SHF provided. However, the studies were conducted in countries where the culture and climate are different from that experienced in the Southeast Asia region, which is likely to affect the perceived environment of the built environment. Therefore, the results of the studies may not be applicable to the study context. 2.3 Evolution of the accommodation structure Originally, halls in the university were built to accommodate two students per room. This provision was adequate for students because not many people sought for higher education. However, as the population of Ghana increased and the need to seek higher education became prominent in the country, the number students enrolled each academic year increased rapidly as well. Residential facilities were increased and expanded to accommodate the ever increasing number of student intake which demanded restructuring of student residential policy given the limited resources the university had. In the midst of the reforms, beyond the expansion and modification of the original rooms to accommodate two persons at a time, the number increased to five (5) in a room officially, both in the main halls and the annexes. The continuous increase in the student intake amidst the unexpanded residential facilities meant that, not all students could be accommodated on campus, therefore, private hostels began to spring up to absorb the excess students who could not secure accommodation on campus. The private hostels motivation to make profit meant that they charge high prices which were unbearable by many students. This brought about one of the prominent terms that everyone who has passed through the four walls of the University of Ghana is popular with â€Å"Perching†. 2.4 The issue of â€Å"Perching† The word connotes students who illegally share residential facilities with official occupants of a room. This resulted in overcrowding in the halls, putting extreme pressure on washrooms, reading rooms, hall libraries, dry lines, among other facilities that were originally constructed for two people. This was happening who many reforms were going on. The two most popular reforms were the â€Å"in-out-out-in† and the â€Å"in-out-out-out† policies. The former meant that, all first year students were qualified for accommodation on campus, this qualification did not mean automatic allocation of rooms to freshmen but allocation was subject balloting for a â€Å"YES† or â€Å"NO† and second and third year students were to look for their own accommodation. Under this policy, final year students like first year students also qualified to be accommodated on campus; it is however, worth noting that, even for the final year students, because of the limited number of rooms available, allocation of rooms was also done via balloting a yes or no by students. The latter policy, in-out-out-out raised a lot of eyebrows as it meant that only first year students were offered accommodation on campus. And for this policy allocation to level 100 students was automatic and assured. With this policy in place the problem of â€Å"perching† worsened. The official number of occupants in a room almost doubled for almost all the halls of residence. The adverse effects of poor situation created a lot of problems; poor sanitation, insecurity, discomfort, which had direct impact on students’ health, hygiene, and efficiency. 2.5 The current residential policy â€Å"The University of Ghana Hostels with a capacity of 26000 beds, which was to be built at the University of Ghana, Legon, with partnership between the university and six banks was a dream come alive as long as finding a solution to the perennial problem of accommodation in our public universities is concerned† this was an assertion made by Professor C. N. B. Tagoe, Vice Chancellor of the university of Ghana (GhanaWeb, 2008). From the above statement I would to acknowledge the â€Å"Contingency theory† one of the prominent schools under the Open Systems perspective of Organizations. This theory as a branch of systems design emphasizes that design decisions are dependent on environmental conditions. Contingency theory is guided by the general orienting hypothesis that organizations whose internal features match the demands of their environments will achieve the best adaptation. Lawrence and Lorsch (1967), who coined the label â€Å"contingency theory†, argue that different environments place differing requirements on organizations. In a recent review article, Lawrence (1993) provides a partial list of factors that one or another theorist has considered important. They include size or scale, technology, geography, uncertainty, individual predispositions of participants, resource dependency, national or cultural differences, scope and organizational life cycle. With concentration on the resource dependency factor, it is indicative that, the adaptation and realization of the said solution was heavily contingent on the provision of financial resources by the six banks which are external to the organization. As the resources from the external environment was provided by the six banks, the expansion of the residential facilities have been a reality indeed, making it possible to establish four different hostels which accommodates about 7, 120 students. It is a combination of these factors that made it possible for the decongestion exercise in the five traditional halls feasible. Currently, some of the hostels have been restructured into halls and run as the traditional halls. The standard rooms accommodate four (4) persons as the annexes do. With other stringent measures put in place to control â€Å"perching† it is believed that, the purpose for which this restructuring was done is being worked towards. It must be stated categorically that, the main reason for this exercise is to improve students’ efficiency in the university. 2.6 Halls of Residence/Hostels The University believes in community living as an essential part of student life. It is therefore primarily residential, providing accommodation in Halls of Residence for both undergraduate and post-graduate students as well as flats and guest rooms for senior members and guests. There are five halls of residence (available to all students) and several Hostels. The present Halls and Hostels are as follows: Each Hall consists of junior members (students) and senior members (academic and senior administrative and professional staff), and is managed by a Council comprising members elected by persons belonging to the Hall. The Master (or Warden in the case of Volta Hall) is the Head of the Hall. Each Hall has Junior and Senior Common Rooms for students and Faculty, respectively. A tutorial system offers an opportunity for counseling students and ensuring their welfare at both academic and social levels. Students maintain interaction with each other and the wider community through recogni zed clubs and societies. Each Hall has a kitchen and a dining hall to cater for students feeding. Chapels and a mosque are also available for use by various religious denominations. A Chaplaincy Board co-ordinate the activities of religious groups. Social life on the campus is organised mainly by the Students Representative Council and the Junior Common Room Committees which provide various kinds of social programmes. LEGON HALL: Legon Hall was the first to be built on the permanent site of the University of Ghana at Legon and is, therefore, the Premier Hall of the University. Its foundation tablet was laid during the Michaelmas Term of 1951 and, in September 1952, the first undergraduates were accepted into residence. On Trinity Sunday, 31st May 1953, the first service was held in the Chapel and the first meal served in the Dining Hall. From these events, the Hall took Trinity Sunday every year as its birthday, celebrated by a common Feast for both its Junior and Senior Members. The Halls motto, Cui Datum (To whom much is given†¦), was selected from St. Lukes Gospel, in recognition of the special responsibility attached to the Halls seniority. Senior Members of the University may be assigned as Fellows of the Hall by the Vice Chancellor and they usually keep their Fellowship for as long as they remain with the University. Persons of academic distinction outside the University may be elected as Honorary Fellows at a General Meeting of Fellows. The rest of the membership of the Hall is made up of persons in statu pupillari. The governing body of the Hall is the Hall Council, members of which are Fellows of the Hall. The principal Hall Officers are: The Master, the Vice-Master, the President of the Senior Common Room, the Senior Tutor, and the Hall Bursar. AKUAFO HALL: Akuafo Hall was established with the appointment of Professor D.A. Taylor, a Master-designate and a Hall Council in 1953. The Hall Council in 1954 decided to name the Hall Akuafo to commemorate the generous gesture of the farmers of Ghana in giving money for the foundation of the University College. A crest which depicts a cocoa tree, an open book and a drum, designed by Professor W.J. McCallien, and a motto, laboremus et sapiamus, suggested by Professor L.H. Ofosu-Appiah, were adopted by the Council. A commemorative plaque with a Latin inscription composed by Professor L.H. Ofosu-Appiah was set up to show the gratitude of the Hall to the farmers of the country and to the British Government who gave the University College funds for the building of the Hall. The Hall was officially opened on 17 February, 1956, but the first students, numbering 131, came into residence on the 5th October, 1955. The Hall has its own statutes governing the election of officers and the administration of its affairs. Once a year, the Master has to convene a meeting of the Fellows, who form the governing body, to receive his annual report. The Senior Common Room is open to all Fellows and their guests, and the Senior Combination Room to all senior members of the University. Senior Members may also invite students to the Combination Room. COMMONWEALTH HALL: The first batch of students was admitted into residence in Commonwealth Hall at the beginning of the 1956-1957 academic year. In the Lent Term of that academic year, Ghana attained its independence from Great Britain, and the Hall, hitherto known as the Third Hall, was officially christened Commonwealth Hall to commemorate Ghanas admission into the Commonwealth of Nations. The official opening of the Hall was performed in March, 1957. It is, so far, the only all-male Hall of Residence in the University. The motto of the Hall, Truth Stands, was taken from a quotation from Satyre by John Donne (1572-1631): On a huge hill, cragged, and steep, Truth stands and hee that will Reach her, about must, and about must goe This motto combines both the physical situation of the Hall (on a hillside overlooking most of the University and beyond) and the proper pursuit of a University education, the search for truth. It is the only Hall of Residence in the University which has a theatre and Amphitheatre for lectures and plays. The Coat of Arms of the Hall depicts the strength and unity of purpose of members of the Hall deriving from the bonds of association enjoyed by the individual members of the Hall. High Commissioners of the Commonwealth countries in Ghana are accorded Honorary Membership of the Hall. There is a Hall Council which administers the affairs of the Hall, assisted by the Tutorial Board and the Senior Common Room Committee. VOLTA HALL: Volta Hall started as the Fourth Hall in the 1959-60 academic year, on 16th November, 1960. The University College Council, on the recommendation of the Hall Council, named it Volta Hall. The Hall consists of the main hall originally designed to accommodate 82 students, and an annex with an original capacity for accommodating 198 students, the occupation of which began in January 1966. The motto of the Hall, chosen during the Halls tenth anniversary celebrations, is in the Akan language and it is: Akokobere Nso Nyim Adekyee. This means that the secret or knowledge of life and nature is a gift to women as it is to men. The Hall has a governing Body which comprises all the Fellows assigned to it and those elected by the assigned Fellows. The government of the Hall rests with this body which delegates some of its powers to a Hall Council. The Hall Council consists of ten members, including the Warden, the Deputy Warden, the Senior Tutor and the Bursar who are ex-officio members. The day-to-day administration of the Hall is carried out by the Warden with the help of the Senior Tutor, who deals with all students affairs, and the Bursar. MENSAH SARBAH HALL: Mensah Sarbah Hall, the fifth Hall of the University, stands in the southern part of the campus. The Hall consists of a main Hall built around a quadrangle and a number of Annexes standing to the north and east. The last two south annexes are attached to the Hall. Until October 1991, Mensah Sarbah was the only co-ed Hall of Residence in the University, which made it quite unique among the Halls. The governing body of the Hall is the Council, which is responsible to the full body of Fellows who form the Senate. Students affairs are handled by students own elected government headed by a President, while the general administration of the Hall is under the Master who is assisted by the Senior Tutor and Tutors on the one hand and the Bursar on the other. Other Hall Officers are the Chaplain, who is responsible fo r the Roman Catholic Chapel, the Prayer Room Warden, who is responsible for the Protestant Chapel, and the Librarian. Senior Common Room affairs are managed by an elected committee under the President of the Senior Common Room. The Hall is named after the famous Ghanaian jurist, writer and statesman, John Mensah Sarbah of Cape Coast. It has been customary for the Hall to celebrate the birthday anniversary of this great man every year. This anniversary is known as Sarbah Day and is highlighted by a dinner and a get-together. The Hall has a crest designed to bring out the principal features of Mensah Sarbahs life. It consists of three elements: a pair of scales, a stool with a book resting upon it, and a hill surmounted by a castle. The scale signifies the legal profession, the stool and the book symbolise culture while the hill and the castle are intended to depict the familiar landscape of Cape Coast with its many hills and forts. At the same time, the castle is intended to symbolise strength and honour. The Halls motto is: Knowledge, Honour, Service three words which aptly summarise the guiding principles of Mensah Sarbahs life. VALCO TRUST HOSTELS: The idea to build a graduate hostel was first nurtured w hen Legon Hall Annex C was prepared exclusively for graduate students of the Hall. The quest for a suitable accommodation for graduate students gained attention when Valco Trust Fund offered to finance the construction of a graduate hostel. As a further boost to this course, Legon Hall Annex C was converted into an Annex of the Hostel. The Valco Trust Hostel, donated to the University by the Valco Trust Fund to ease pressure on student accommodation, is a block of purpose-built, self-contained flats for 190 students. The Hostel, which was completed in June 1997, is the University’s first hostel for graduate students. A second block with similar facilities was opened in January 2006. Located behind Mensah Sarbah Hall on the southern part of the campus, the flats are arranged in single and double study bedrooms with en suite shower and toilet. There is a shared kitchen for every twelve rooms. Facilities in the hostels include common rooms, washrooms and a restaurant. INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS’ HOSTELS: The International Student’s Hostels are located on the southern part of the campus off the road to the Noguchi Memorial Institute for Medical Research. For a long time, it had been the dream of the University of Ghana to create and strengthen links with other universities in order to enhance the international student presence on campus. The first phase was commissioned in June 1999 and the second in January 2006. The Hostels are co-educational and each has 43 single rooms and 85 double rooms. In addition, there are facilities such as a well-fortified security system, kitchenettes and restaurants. REFERENCES Amole, D. (2005),â€Å"Coping strategies for living in student residential facilities in Nigeria†, Environment and Behaviour, Vol. 37, pp. 201-19. Amole, D. (2009b),â€Å"Residential satisfaction in students’ housing†, Journal of Environment Psychology, Vol. 29, pp. 76-85. Association of African Universities (2004), â€Å"Challenges Facing African Universities: Selected Issues†, African Studies Review (2004) Vol. 47, No. 1, 1-59 Dahlan, N., Jones, P., Alexander, D., Salleh, E. and Alias, J. (2009),â€Å"Evidence base prioritization of indoor comfort perceptions in Malaysian typical multi-storey hostels†, Building and Environment, pp. 2158-65. Elsinga, M. and Hoekstra, J. (2005),â€Å"Homeownership and housing satisfaction†, Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Vol. 20, pp. 401-24. Fay, G. (1981),â€Å"A model for reviewing growth environments†, Journal of College and University Student Housing, Vol. 11 No. 1, pp. 46-7. Foubert, J.D., Tepper, R. and Morrison, D.R. (1998),â€Å"Predictors of student satisfaction in university residence halls†, Journal of College and University Student Housing, Vol. 21No. 1, pp. 41-6. Hassanain, M.A. (2008),â€Å"On the performance evaluation of sustainable student housing facilities†, Journal of Facilities Management, Vol. 6 No. 3, pp. 212-25. James, R.N. (2008), â€Å"Residential satisfaction of elderly tenants in apartment housing†, Social Indicators Research, Vol. 89, pp. 421-37. James, R.N. (2008), â€Å"Residential satisfaction of elderly tenants in apartment housing†, Social Indicators Research, Vol. 89, pp. 421-37. Kaya, N. and Erkip, F. (2001), â€Å"Satisfaction in a dormitory building: the effects of floor height on the perception of room size and crowding†, Environment Behavior, Vol. 33 No. 1, pp. 35-53. Khozaei, F., Hassan, A.S. and Khozaei, Z. (2010a), â€Å"Undergraduate students’ satisfaction with hostel and sense of attachment to place: case study of â€Å"universiti sains Malaysia†, American Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences, Vol. 3 No. 3, pp. 516-20. Lawrence, Paul R. and Jay W. Lorsch. (1967)â€Å"Organization and environment† Boston; Harvard University, Division of Research, Graduate School of Business Administration. Parkes, A., Kearns, A. and Atkinson, R. (2002), â€Å"What makes people dissatisfied with their neighbourhoods?†, Urban Studies, Vol. 39 No. 13, pp. 2413-38. Price, I., Matzdorf, F., Smith, L. and Agahi, H. (2003),â€Å"The impact of facilities on student choice of university†, Facilities, Vol. 21 No. 10, pp. 212-22. Radder, L. and Han, X. (2009), â€Å"Service quality of on-campus student housing: a South African experience†, The International Business Economics Research Journal, Vol. 8 No. 11, pp. 107-19. Salleh, A.G. (2008),â€Å"Neighbourhood factors in private low-cost housing in Malaysia†, Habitat International, Vol. 32, pp. 485-93. www.ghanaweb.com, (Tuesday, 8th January, 2008) retrieved on 4th October, 2012. www.ug.edu.gh (2012) retrieved on 10th October, 2012 www.ug.edu.gh (2012) retrieved on 2nd November, 2012 www.ug.edu.gh (2012) retrieved on 5th November, 2012

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants

Spike Lee Pride and Prejudice :: essays papers

Spike Lee Pride and Prejudice Anyone who would dismiss Spike Lee as a racist is confusing pride with prejudice. Sure, he's abrasive, blunt, unvarnished and maybe egotistical. But he's also got the self-confidence, fearlessness and knowledge of his personal mission that in past years, and some parts of Idaho today, would have gotten him called an uppity N-word, maybe worse. This reaction to him, to him in America today, and on our campus this week, is an illustration of how far whites (yes, whites) in this nation have not come. Lee makes films about various aspects of the African-American experience in America. His debut in 1986, "She's Gotta Have It," was about the man problems and prevails of a young black woman in the big city. "Do the Right Thing," his 1989 incitement of racial strife was a warning flag of urban angers a full three years before the L.A. Riots. "Malcolm X" was a stirring bio-pic about the slain black leader who preached a strident brand of self reliance in an age when most said looking to the government for help was the last best hope of African-Americans. It was also the best film biography since "Gandhi." "Gandhi" may be the best bio-pic ever. Are other filmmakers, like Martin Scorsese or Oliver Stone criticized for telling stories about exclusively white protagonists? Does anyone wave the flag of racism when Woody Allen makes his 100th film about neurotic Jewish men in New York? No, and they shouldn't. Creators work on what they know. The very fact that Lee is labeled and thought of as the "black filmmaker" is an illustration of just how right Lee is when he talks about the largely lily-white nature of Hollywood, and the nation it entertains. And a lot of what he has said, even the supposedly racist comments, have plucked a tone of truth in areas where, frankly, most whites would prefer the strings go unplucked. His most famous comment, that blacks by definition cannot be racist, was right. When he said that, he was talking about institutional racism (a fact adroitly cut from most news accounts of his comments). Blacks, by definition, can't be institutionally racist. They simply don't have the power. Maybe someday they will, but now, you can't point to any institution, and very few corporations, in which African-Americans have enough power to even exercise the thought of implementing institutional racism.

Characteristic Downfall :: essays research papers

In T.S. Eliot's "The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock," the author is establishing the trouble the narrator is having dealing with middle age. Prufrock(the narrator) believes that age is a burden and is deeply troubled by it.. His love of some women cannot be because he feels the prime of his life is over. His preoccupation with the passing of time characterizes the fear of aging he has. The poemdeals with the aging and fears associated with it of the narrator. Prufrock is not confident with himself mentally or his appearance. He is terrified of what will occur when people see his balding head or his slim and aging body. He believes everyone will think he is old and useless. They will talk about him behind his back. (They will say"How is hair is growing thin!") My morning coat, my collar mounting firmly to the chin, My necktie rich and modest, but asserted by a simple pin-- [They will say: "But how his arms and legs are thin!"] This insecurity is definitely a hindrance for him. It holds him back from doing the things he wishes to do. This is the sort of characteristic that makes Alfred into a tragic, doomed character. He will not find happiness until he finds self-assurance within himself. The repetition of words like vision and revision, show his feelings of inadequacy in communicating with the people around him. J. Alfred Prufrock's self esteem affects his love life greatly. The woman he is in love with is younger than he is and this distresses him. He does not believe that some younger women could possibly accept him or find him attractive. Expressing any kind of affection to her is awkward and difficult. Prufrock knows what he must say but cannot bring himself to say it. "Should I, after tea and cakes and ices, Have the strength to force the moment to it's crisis?"(79-80) His apprehensiveness in his love life, is very troublesome for him indeed. He wishes greatly to express his affection but it becomes suppressed within him. He compares himself to Lazarus who was an aged man restored to life by Jesus. He feels that it will take a miracle to make him feel young again. Prufrock sees his age as the end of his romantic zeal. He assumes the response to his love will be snappy and heartless. Prufrock believes that women do not find older men attractive or see a possibility of romance in them. The rhyme scheme Elliot uses in this poem depicts the disenchanted and confused mind of the narrator. The poem is written using a non-uniform

Myths of the American Dream Exposed in Arthur Millers Death of a Sales

Myths of the American Dream Exposed in Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman    Willy Loman, the lead character of Miller’s play, Death of a Salesman, believes in "the myths of the capitalistic society"(DiYanni 412). This essay will examine the impact of the capitalistic myths on Willy Lowman.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Willy believes in the myth that popularity and physical appearance are the keys that unlock the door to the â€Å"American Dream†. We are first introduced to the importance of popularity and physical appearance when Willy is speaking to his wife, Linda, about their son Biff.   â€Å"Biff Loman is lost,† says Willy.   â€Å"In the greatest country in the world, a young man with such personal attractiveness gets lost.†Ã‚   In this quote, not only is Willy confused about how Biff’s good looks can’t help him get a job, but also because his son can’t get a job in a country like America.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Willy believes in appearance, in phoniness, in popularity with those he regards as important in the capitalistic machine. An example of how Willy depends on popularity to help achieve the dream is seen when Willy is having a flashback in which he’s speaking to both Biff and Happy about having his own business. The boys ask their father if his business will be like their Uncle Charley’s.   Willy responds by saying that he’ll be, â€Å"Bigger than Uncle Charley!   Because Charley is not- liked.   He’s liked, but he’s not- well liked.†Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The most significant example of Willy’s belief in the popularity myth also takes place in one of Willy’s flashbacks.   Again, he is speaking to his sons about becoming successful.   He tells them, â€Å"...the man who makes an appearance in the business world, the man who creates personal interest, is the man who gets ... ... slogans for his own beliefs: â€Å"Chevrolet, Linda, is the greatest car ever built.† But his blind faith cannot sustain him: â€Å"That goddam Chevrolet, they ought to prohibit the manufacture of that car†.     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Each day Willy must run faster and stretch his arms out further in his attempt to catch the dream. When he is too tired to run, Willy is spewed out of the capitalistic machine as a worn-out and useless part. Willy then gives all that he has remaining so that his son can collect the insurance money and thereby pay his entrance fee to the capitalistic machine. The same machine that destroyed Willy. Works Cited DiYanni, Robert. Literature: Reading Fiction, Poetry, and Drama. Compact Edition. McGraw Hill, 2000. 395-530. Miller, Arthur. "Death of a Salesman" in Literature, Reading, Reacting, Writing, Compact Fourth Edition. Harcourt, Inc. 2000.

Gap in Gender Pay Essay

INTRODUCTION: Although women are steadily making their mark in the business world and heading major corporations, the question remains, are they still earning less than their male counterparts? Throughout time there has been a definite difference between men and women and their median income. This wage gap cuts across a wide spectrum of occupations. However, in 1963 the Equal Pay Act was signed making it illegal for employers to pay unequal wages to men and women who hold the same job and do the same work. There may be many reasons for this gap in salaries; most of them may not be necessarily based on gender. The following research will investigate what causes the gap in earnings, if any, and examines various factors that may have an effect on the earnings of men and women. I. RESEARCH PURPOSE The purpose of this research is to determine whether or not women who are working the same types of jobs, with the same amount of education and experience are being compensated the same as men. Although women have made a significant pace in entering the workforce and in exploring a wider range of occupations, they may still be treading behind in wages earned compared to their male counterparts. Many years ago, it was thought that because women were not as well educated as men, did not have as much experience as men, and did not work as hard as men that the range of pay should not be the same. This is no longer true and women have been graduating from college at the same rate as men and are working just as hard as men. However, the wage gap between men and women remains and nationally, women earn 77 cents for every $1 earned by men (Head, 2008). Thus, despite a sense of continued progress toward gender equality in the workplace the gap between men and women still persists. The significance of this research issue may reveal an underlying discrimination between the sexes that many may believe has narrowed. The importance in equality of gender pay is not only that it is the right thing to do, but an equitable and competitive pay package improves employee recruitment and retention.  This concept benefits both the employer and the employee, male or female. Nonetheless, as long as this gap remains the more likely this issue will provide a main source of debate among the organizational workforce. II. PROBLEM DEFINITION: The study, by the American Association of University Women Educational Foundation, found that 10 years after college, women earn only 69% of what men earn. (USA Today, 2007) Defining the problem starts with an examination of the evidence to determine how big the gap truly is and whether discrimination is to blame. Essential variables that may have an impact on male-female wage differential such as ethnic background, age, and industry will be measured. Our team will research and find out how big the gap is what could be the cause, factors such as: a). Hours of work- some tend to think that men are more likely to work longer hours. b). Education levels-some tend to think that men on average is higher qualified and women invest less in their education. c). Workforce participation and experience-industries tend to think that women spend less time at work because of their domestic responsibilities to their children and family. The majority of organizations assume that young women are going to leave the workforce when they have children, and therefore will not promote them. d). Why is there such a gap between the amount on a man’s paycheck compared to a woman’s? e). Occupation type- some think women are looking for an easy way out and they tend to seek out and cluster around a few occupations and industries because of the tastes of employers, male employees and customers. f). Are women given the same opportunities for advancement as men? Our team will investigate what percentage of these factors contributes to the difference in pay between these two genders and seek to find out if discrimination plays a part in this pay gap and will the gap disappear through educational achievements. Why do woman not have equal job opportunities? Jobs held by women pay less than jobs held by men, even though the job requires the same education and skills. A newly hired woman will get a lower paying assignment than a man who started working there the same time for the same employer. Not only that also, women do not receive the equal chances in promotions like men. Equal pay has been an issue for all working women for the past few decades. III. RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS While some studies may reflect a sense of continued progress towards gender equality in the workplace, the federal government currently confirms that the workplace earnings gap amongst men and women is still prevalent today (About Management.Com). It is the educated guess of this team that men are paid at a substantially increased rate for performance in positions than women are paid to operate in those same positions. This hypothesis is deducted from observations made from current work situations, random peer discussions, and updated articles. More than forty years after the Federal Equal Pay Act, hard working women are still being paid less than men are on the job. There are numerous speculations that can be made in an attempt to explain this is behavior, such as career selections being made by men and women. Women tend to make decisions about employment based on convenience, meaning that women migrate to positions that will allow for them to maintain a active home life and still maintain a 40 hour work week, whereas men will more than likely trade an active home life for longer work hours, safety risks, frequent travel, longer work hours and extended commuting times to make the higher pay. While these practices may not be fair, they are a reality. The research provided in this paper will lead to three possible outcomes; it will either prove that men are paid at higher rates than women to operate in the same or similar positions, women are paid at higher rates than men to operate in the same or similar position, or men and women break even when it comes to wages and position. References Head, Lauren Lawley. (2008, April 23). Pay Gap Worth Steaming Over: Bizwomen.com. Retrieved April 29, 2008, from http://www.bizjournals.com/bizwomen/index.php/2008/04/23/pay-gap-worth-steaming-over/ Coutts, Justin. (2004, February). Policy Backgrounder, Business Roundtable. Retrieved April 29, 2008 from http://www.nzbr.org.nz/documents/policy/policy-2004/PB_No1.pdf Arndt, Bettina. (2006,October 16). Herald Sun.com. Why Men are paid More. Retrieved April 29, 2008 from http://www.news.com.au/heraldsun/story/0,21985,20586168-5000117,00.html

Giant Panda and Wildlife Conservation Essay

Wildlife conservation is the most important things in the world. And people have made a lot of progress in this field. In wildlife conservation, people try their best to protect endangered plants and animals, as well as their habitats. The purpose is to make sure that future generations will have enough space to survive and develop well. Countries all over the world have different agencies for wildlife conservation and plenty of nonprofit organizations also take part in the process of this activity. Various kinds of subjects are involved in the process of wildlife conservation. For example, people must use the knowledge in the field of biology and other sciences to recognize the species that are in danger, and to study those species to learn more about their needs. Economics is also involved in wildlife conservation, because the conservationists are trying to find out the most efficient solutions. Apart from these, the protection of wildlife also depends on education very much, using different methods to teach people about the importance of animal habitat conservation. However, the Earth is warming, and humans are using more water than ever before. It is important to know how people save wildlife around the world especially conservation in China, the U. S . and then when happens after conservation especially the government’s role in the process to protect wildlife, as well as the effects of these measures. Conservation in China China has a vast variety of species, with the number of mammal species ranking second all over the world. In terms of reptiles and amphibians, China’s ranks are the fourth and sixth respectively. Although China only ranks eighth when it comes to its bird species, there are still about 1,244 types of birds in this country. A lot of these bird species are native to China, and that is why China has the responsibility to protect their future existence. There are sixteen primate species living in China. However, in the northern part of the tropical area, China has precious species such as the Sichuan golden monkey, which can also be found in Hubei as well as Sichuan provinces, and the Yunnan golden monkey, which lives in high-latitude places covered by snow of about 4,270 m. (Harris, 2007).. Golden monkeys, tigers, and pandas are rare and protected animals in China. In China, however, the most famous endangered species of wild animal is definitely the panda The panda is an endangered species of wild animals, and it can only be found in China. So people can say that panda is China’s unique wild animal, so the protection of this animal is essential. The habitat of pandas lies in the provinces within China’s â€Å"Great Opening of the West†. The place is so fragile and unique that people can only run tourism on a small scale as the only economic activity. Therefore, it is extremely essential to create more nature reserves for the protection of pandas, even though some of them are not working effectively. If we do not pay most of the attention to allocating these areas as habitat for pandas, these places will definitely be used for producing wood and or agricultural crops. Recent survey in 2004 found that many threats including deforestation and persistent poaching interfere with the long-term survival of this endangered species. (Harris, 2007). For instance, Western development for pandas makes Chinese poachers see business opportunities and their harmful behaviors have seriously affected the survival of this precious animal. Human development has affected wildlife survival environment. Because of the population explosion and unsustainable use of natural resources, the panda habitat is also rapidly losing. Pandas adhere to living in a large area of natural forests, which can also be used for agriculture, timber and firewood. Because of China’s dense population, many of the giant panda population is isolated in no more than 1093-1312 yards wide narrow belt of bamboo. Because of immigration, the panda’s habitats are continuing to disappear. In more than 20 pandas range, there are many habitats fragmentation into isolated areas. In these areas, a network of nature reserves exist to protect more than half of the panda population. Because of the requirement for habitat, the giant panda cannot migrate, so they have lost a lot of flexibility as they are not able to find new feeding areas. (Calhoun, 2005). In China, humans’ over-exploitation of trees and the destruction of environment have also caused a large number of pandas to disappear. Moreover, China has no ability to build adequate reserves to protect the panda. Conservation in the United States America is a country with a focus on animal protection and people there treat animals as their close friends. The country of United States has a broad geographical location and there are many kinds of views in the United States, from the polar ice to tropical rain forests, from moderate rain forests to prairies, from mountain summits to desert and coral reefs. There are some places to live, comprising the most richest land on the Earth, such as the lower Mississippi River and the western salt marshes which are some of the most barren areas. Wonderful and various kinds of animals live in many places of this country, such as elk, wolverine, bison, grizzly bear, bald eagle, musk ox, caribou, wolf ,mountain lion, polar bear, and moose, which are booming in these areas. It is also the habitat of thousands of amphibians, fish, bird and reptiles. (â€Å"Wildlife Conservation Society,†n. d. ). Americans attach great importance to the protection of animals and people in the United States to give animals a lot of living space and a good natural environment. In order to ensure the survival of wildlife in the United States, people have founded a vast area of nature reserves. In terms of conservation innovation, the U. S. has a rich history. The U. S. created Yellowstone, the crown jewel of parks in 1872, establishing the concept of national parks. And then in 1932, the first International Peace Park, Glacier-Waterton National Park along the border with Canada was created. Even with a vast system of public lands which provides protection for the wild places in the country, including national parks and wilderness areas for fishing and wildlife refuges and state lands, there are still some conservation challenges caused by management activities on the public lands. Usually, more efficient private lands are a vital component of long-term success in conservation. (â€Å"Wildlife Conservation Society,†n. d. ). The Yellowstone national park is one measure to guarantee the protection of their animals, since the place gives wildlife enough living space. Yellowstone national nature reserve gave wild animals more opportunities and space. People also try their best to protect wolves in the United States. In March 2003, the U. S. fish and wildlife service issued a rule, significantly reducing federal protection for wolves and set the stage to liminate them from the endangered species act (ESA) protection completely. Until now, in terms of the recovery in the number of wolves in the 20th century, the U. S. fish and wildlife service has done a great job. People take wolves into the Yellowstone national park and central Idaho. This protection is considered by many to be one of the great achievements. (Calhoun, 2005). The United States fish and animal protection administration also obtained remarkable achievements in protecting the wolf population. After Conservation After the management of protection on animals by volunteers, the joint efforts of the China panda protection finally result. Recently, the world natural foundation has helped the Chinese government in the field of national habitats of giant panda and its protection program. This program has made significant progress: China now has 33 of the giant panda reserves, and the giant panda habitat reaches around more than 6177 square miles of area. According to a survey in 2004, there were 1600 pandas in the wild. (Calhoun, 2005). With the help of the animal protection association of America and China, multiple reserves are established. China needs more reference to the United States in protecting wild animals. Wildlife protection is the responsibility of people around the world. Chinese and Americans need to learn from each other about how to protect endangered wildlife better in the future. China should, for example, learn from the United States some new ideas of animal protection and the responsibilities of ordinary people when it comes to animal protection in the wild. Through the study of wildlife conservation concept, people in China can improve their animal protection measures, reduce cutting down trees and causing environmental damage any longer. Strengthening the reserve management and reducing the poaching practice, these measures will better protect endangered wild animals. The United States in the field of conservation philosophy occupies a leading position in the whole world. For instance, American people created Yellowstone national park and the international peace park. These huge areas provide plenty of living space for wild animals. China also has an extensive area, so there are a lot of important lessons China can learn from the United States, such as creating national parks and nature reserves in the areas which are suitable for specific kinds of animals. In the meanwhile, if necessary, China may also seek some help as well as advice from the United States. Conservationists work all over the world. To determine the species need to aid and protect them. The subject usually include animals and raise them. Capture prisoner ensure still large and diverse population at the same time environmentalists work establish territorial animals, so they can have a safe place in the field. Wildlife conservation needs also need to be balanced with other desires, because many countries value forms of entertainment like hiking in the wilderness, camping, hunting and makes it impossible to set aside land makes wild animals live. In this respect, China only attaches great importance to the development and demand of human beings. Ignored, the environment and wild animals, and other important factors.